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Dr. Judith Johnsrud: Sierra Club National
Nuclear Waste Task Force
The Sierra Club's National Nuclear Waste Task Force has received queries concerning the
current situation of LLRW management, storage, and "disposal," the status of the
LLRW Compacts and siting in various states, expectations for future LLRW policies, and
ways for Sierrans to address these issues.
Please contact Nuclear Waste Task Force members if you have additional questions or
need more detailed materials, speakers, or other assistance.
Background Congress passed the Federal LLRW Policy Act in 1980, following the 1979 Three Mile
Island accident, which created large amounts of unanticipated "low-level"
radioactive waste (LLRW), and after objections were raised by the governors of the three
states (South Carolina, Washington, Nevada) in which the nation had been dumping all of
its commercial LLRW into commercial shallow land burial trenches. Several contamination
events, plus increasing quantities of LLRW as more reactors came into operation, led them
to assert that other states should share the burden. Three sites (in New York, Illinois,
and Kentucky) had already been closed due in part to leakage. The Act was modified in
1985.
The law mandated that each state must "provide for" the disposal of all
"low-level" wastes generated within its boundaries. It could construct disposal
facilities to accommodate the LLRW produced within its jurisdiction, or arrange for
shipment to a site in another state. To encourage development of disposal sites but also
limit the total number, the Act also bypassed the Interstate Commerce Clause of the
Constitution, allowing those states that formed compacts to exclude from a regional
compact facility the "low-level" radioactive wastes (but not necessarily
radioactive materials) generated outside the compact region. The law also required states
to take title to LLRW; this provision was challenged by New York and overturned.
Members of Congress had been led to believe that most "low-level" wastes were
generated by medical and research facilities and did not originate from commercial nuclear
power plants. In fact, the opposite is true: in most states, more than 75% of the volume
and more than 95% of the radioactivity of so-called "low-level" wastes are
produced by nuclear reactors. The term "low-level" has caused decision-makers,
media, and the public to assume that LLRW consists of relatively harmless wastes: trash.
However the term "low-level" does not mean "low hazard" to human
health. All exposures to ionizing radiation, including naturally-occurring background
radiation, carry risks to the recipient of somatic injury -- e.g., leukemia, latent
cancers, heart disease, and, it is now thought, immune system dysfunctions -- as well as
genetic damage, both physical and mental abnormalities. Moreover, there has been little
consideration of the synergistic relationships of radiation and other environmental
contaminants upon an individual recipient.
Although "Class A" wastes are composed mainly of low activity trash, some
components may be biologically dangerous in minute quantities and some remain hazardous
for many thousands of years. The wastes deemed "Classes B and C" are higher in
radioactive concentrations and tend to contain isotopes that have very long hazardous
lives. Some LLRW may be declared "Greater Than Class C" in radioactive
concentration and toxicity: these wastes are to be disposed of by the Department of Energy
(DOE) as if they were high-level waste. The law categorizes essentially all nuclear wastes
as "low-level," except for "spent" reactor fuel, some reprocessing
waste, and whatever else the Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) chooses to designate as
"high-level" waste, plus certain byproduct materials, weapons-related wastes,
and uranium mill tailings.
For states that choose not to join a compact, there is little legal precedent as to
whether or not a non-compact state can exclude wastes generated beyond its borders. The
Federal Act did not address the importation of radioactive materials that might
subsequently be determined by a licensee to have no further economic value and hence be
declared to be "waste." Nor was the LLRW Policy Act clear about the disposition
of wastes in the hands of brokers, handlers, incinerator and treatment facilities: Were
radioactive wastes from decontaminated materials and radioactive ash to be returned to the
licensee and state of origin; or could they be considered commercially-generated wastes
eligible for disposal within the state or compact in which the incineration or
decontamination took place? Also unclear is eligibility for disposal of wastes imported
from abroad: NRC promulgated import/export regulations only last year.
Current Status of LLRW Management, Storage, and
"Disposal" In these sixteen years since passage of the LLRW Policy Act and its 1985 Amendments, no
new LLRW disposal facility has been opened in the United States. Public opposition has
repeatedly blocked LLRW siting in New York, Illinois, Nebraska, North Carolina, Vermont,
Connecticut, Michigan, Colorado, Texas, Pennsylvania and other Host States. Even before
temporary closure of Chem Nuclear's Barnwell, South Carolina, site in 1994 (as well as the
U.S. Ecology site at Beatty, Nevada), the nuclear industry had responded to steeply rising
disposal costs by minimizing volume of waste generated (but not activity), by storing to
decay onsite, compaction, incineration, and decontamination treatment.
The NRC has tried since 1980 to resolve part of the LLRW problem by deregulating as
much as one-third of Class A waste, variously called de minimis ("trivial," as
in "de minimis non curat lex": "The law is not concerned with
trivialities") or "Below Regulatory Concern" (BRC), and most recently
termed "Incidental Radioactive Material." The agency intended to permit LLRW
dumping in municipal solid waste landfills (as it already allows for some medical waste,
sewage sludge, smoke detectors and other low activity wastes), more radioactive liquids
into sewers, and especially the recycling of unmonitored, unlabeled "low-level"
wastes into a wide array of consumer products and nuclear industry practices. The NRC's
deregulation plan was thwarted by the 1992 Energy Policy Act, but is now being revived.
The Energy Department has adopted "low-level" waste recycling.
Now that disposal costs at the reopened Barnwell burial site have risen to $350-$400
per cubic foot and are expected to go even higher, industry demands are increasing again
for NRC deregulation. Even more important are the drive to discredit the linear
non-threshold relationship of dose to response, which is the basis for radiation
protection standards, and the effort to reduce governmental agencies' budgets by
eliminating part or all of federal and state regulatory programs. The NRC's 1995 proposal
to close down its LLRW division altogether is particularly significant, because NRC has
preemptive power that overrides states' regulatory controls, and it conducts waste
isolation research that the states can't afford. It regulates DOE, requires compatibility
between federal and state programs, and licenses LLRW imports and exports.
One regulator now suggests a methodology for prioritizing agency expenditures for
regulatory control of radiation exposures. It is based on dollars spent per life saved. An
industry proponent offers a solution adapted from air pollution credits trading: an
"Open Market Trading Rule" for radiation doses; let the affected community
decide for its population if it wants to pay for reducing risks of fatal cancers and other
adverse health and genetic effects from the various sources of ionizing radiation and
other contaminants encountered by individuals in their environment, life styles, or
medical treatment.
As waste volumes (but not radioactivity) decreased, the "crisis" need for
centralized disposal sites in the ten compacts and eight unaffiliated states also has
diminished. Better housekeeping by generators, NRC's waffling about the duration of onsite
storage, possible LLRW export, and emergence of the privately-owned Envirocare site in
Utah for surface disposal of low activity wastes have also reduced the urgency. The NRC
and industry now estimate that three or four sites will probably be sufficient. If a few
disposal sites are finally opened, Congress may be asked to declare those the national
sites.
However, it is not known how much more, or less, "low-level" waste will be
added from future decommissioning of aged nuclear power, research and naval reactors;
possibly from weapons-related DOE or other military sources; and from the remediation of
the more than 45,000 sites radioactively contaminated or potentially contaminated sites
that have been identified by the Environmental Protection Agency. Increasingly, as budgets
tighten and costs of waste isolation rise, regulators are considering decommissioning
criteria based on "How dirty is clean enough?" They would permit licensees to
leave behind a still-contaminated site for "restricted" "brownfield"
use. In 1994, NRC staff proposed for "a few tens" of heavily contaminated sites,
onsite stabilization and disposal "despite the failure to meet the 100 millirem per
year [dose] cap" [to the average member of the critical group of those expected to be
exposed]. The final decommissioning criteria are to be promulgated in the near future.
The technology of radioactive waste "disposal" for even just the 300-500
years required for Classes B and C, remains, obviously, experimental. Chem Nuclear has
continued to use shallow trench burial at Barnwell, despite commitments to build above
grade, mounded, retrievable, monitored storage vaults. French vaults, containing
long-lived wastes, have been in service fewer than ten years. Industry consultants are
already arguing that occupational doses will be lower with shallow land burial than above
grade vaults due to less handling. But stability of waste forms, for example, remains in
controversy. A June 1996 report on microbial degradation of cement issued by NRC states:
Testing conducted with the developed biodegradation test has convincingly demonstrated
that cement-solidified LLW waste forms can be attacked and degraded by the action of
ubiquitous microorganisms that are present at LLW disposal sites. It was shown that during
the degradation process, large percentages of those elements composing the cement matrix
of waste forms were removed. In addition, it was conclusively shown that the ability of
cement-based waste forms to retain or retard the loss of encapsulated radionuclides was
compromised due to the action of microorganisms. (NUREG/CR-6341; INEL-95/02i5)
Moreover, some researchers are joining environmentalists in recognizing a simple fact
of basic physics: we don't "dispose of" anything; we can only change the
locations or forms of matter. This realization is sparking the demand for an independent
reconsideration of all of the nation's radioactive waste programs -- and even legitimizes
the call by Sierra Club and others for curtailment of waste production.
How Compacts and States Are
Doing At mid-year 1996, both Chem Nuclear and U.S. Ecology admit to financial problems, and
LLRW siting is still in disarray. U.S. Ecology's Ward Valley, California, desert site near
Needles remains uncertain; industry and regulators believe it is key to their program's
success, but Interior Department's land transfer and issues of a plutonium cap, radiation
pathways to the nearby Colorado River, and concerns for the desert tortoise, an endangered
species, prevent its completion and operation. Congress is being pressed to override these
concerns, as it did with the 1987 politically-based designation of the Yucca Mountain
high-level waste geologic repository site in Nevada, which appears also to be failing to
meet health and safety standards.
At the closed U.S. Ecology Beatty, Nevada, site, tritium contamination has been found.
An upcoming report on the six older LLRW dump sites omits all data after 1994; hence, no
mention of Beatty leakage. U.S. Ecology's proposed Boyd County, Nebraska, site has also
been delayed by admission that wetlands had been ignored in site characterization. Its
older Richland, Washington, site now accepts LLRW from only the Northwest and Rocky
Mountain Compacts; earlier, U.S. Ecology had also been hit with some heavy expenses by the
state. This spring the company was reportedly near a declaration of Chapter 11 bankruptcy.
Similarly, Chem Nuclear (CNSI) has a disappointing record at the reopened Barnwell; its
North Carolina site is stalled by lack of funds. With more than $90 million reportedly
spent, some $26 million more are needed for the site approval process. On July 10, North
Carolina terminated its contract with Chem Nuclear to construct a LLRW facility for the
Southeast Compact at the Wake County site, according to a July 18th report and the
June/July 1996 LLW Forum Notes (from DOE funded Afton Associates). Almost all CNSI workers
were dismissed, except for a skeletal crew that was assigned to remove equipment and
structures from the site.
Illinois, after failure of Chem Nuclear's Martinsville volunteer site, is still
revising its siting criteria and must start over. In Pennsylvania, a new Republican
Administration has abandoned the strict technical siting process to identify three
"of the best" locations, as is required by law, in favor of Chem Nuclear's
volunteer "Community Partnering Plan." Environmentalists are blamed for
encouraging counties and municipalities to adopt protective ordinances and to place land
in Agricultural Security Areas. State regulators threaten to "abbreviate" the
remaining mandatory technical review, or to change the law. Connecticut, New York, and New
Jersey volunteer processes have failed thus far to produce a LLRW site.
The contested Texas site at Sierra Blanca awaits a licensing decision; the Texas
Compact with Maine and Vermont is before Congress but not of this date approved. Michigan
has adopted onsite storage for the foreseeable future. Massachusetts has repeatedly
delayed siting action. No one wants to be first.
A Responsible Response for
Environmentalists: Beyond Backyards 1. We all surely agree that the radioactive wastes we (all) have allowed to be produced
for half a century pose a significant biological hazard to humans, to many other life
forms and ecosystems; and that they must be isolated from the biosphere for the full
duration of their hazardous lives. Yet, given the situation of ongoing, open-ended waste
production and the many political and economic uncertainties of waste generation and
regulation, quite rightly no one wants to offer his or her own backyard as the site for an
endless. perhaps increasing, burden of long-lived nuclear wastes. A major ethical
responsibility for us all is, after all, to the future as well as present survival and
well-being of our species, our descendants, and the other inhabitants of the planet,
whether we depend on them or not. This is also our national policy, enunciated in the
National Environmental Policy Act of 1969.
2. Those of us who have warned of problem for years -- decades -- are now told that it
is we who are responsible for providing "solutions" that will allow the nuclear
industry to continue to produce ever more radioactive waste. And because we want to seem
reasonable, positive, or constructive, there is a great temptation to recommend relocating
the problem: Send it to a desert wasteland; keep it onsite where people must have wanted
reactors and where they supposedly benefit from the electricity; or airlift it to Dagestan
or West Africa or Mexico where folks need the money: derive some economic benefit from it
by recycling into consumer products (just a few more millirems from each one); trade off
one risk for another. These are surely temptations to be resisted for all the reasons a
good environmentalist understands.
3. But then what can we recommend?
- First, by working backward from the impossibility of assuring safe permanent isolation
for the full period of nuclear waste toxicity to the cause of the problem (i.e., continued
production of the waste), we'd have the opportunity to make the best reasonable.
commonsensical case for a national policy of curtailing, with the intent of ending, the
generation of most radioactive wastes. In the opinion of some, this should happen
immediately, so that we will be able to assess the quantities, composition, and toxicities
of what we must prepare to deal with.
- Second, we can help decision-makers to comprehend the disconnect between our present
ability to assure full hazardous life sequestration and the realities of the future world
about which we can only make our best guess about economies, political structures,
scientific and cultural capabilities, the press of expanding populations on diminishing
natural resources, climatic, tectonic, or other physical changes in the biosphere,
possible improvement or decline of waste management -- a total system (or geographic)
analysis. This, in turn, leads us to require the greatest prudence and conservatism, given
the limits of prediction and the experimental nature of the endeavor.
- Third, we can recommend that the focus of waste management be shifted away from the
notion and technologies of permanent "disposal" to the real reason for the need
to prevent radioactive materials and wastes from entering the environment: namely, the
hazard posed to health, safety, genetic integrity, and the environment by exposures to
ionizing radiation. Although at present no one can be sure of "the best" means
or technologies or locations to assure minimization of the biologic damage from this
unstable form of matter, we can urge that the prevention of exposures and reduction --
minimization --- of the biologically damaging consequences are the real societal goal.
- Fourth, we need to explain to decision-makers that some sites currently in use for
storage of LLRW are particularly ill-suited for that purpose (i.e., due to potential
seismicity, flooding, etc..), and thus do not meet the crucial test of "best means to
assure minimization of biologic damage." If, by contrast, we become advocates for any
one of the bad "solutions" (which can be expected to fail to contain the waste),
we've become advocates of imposing on others the risk of LLRW isolation failure that we
find unacceptable in our own backyards. Such advocacy also gives waste generators and
regulators an excuse of claiming that they are only responding to what "the
public" wants.
- Fifth, we can suggest ways to achieve that goal. For instance, the regulators can, and
should, set environmental pollutant standards that take into account the multiple and
cumulative exposures to the many contaminants that affect an individual. Governmental
agencies should expand our understanding of the synergistic relationships among the
variety of pollutants to which individuals are subjected and take these interrelated
factors into account in the setting of "routine permissible" dose limits. And
the burden of proof of safety must be assigned to the waste generators, not to those who
are damaged.
We can empower communities to monitor contaminants and exercise greater control over
their generation and release into air, water. and soil. Even though some waste would be
produced in the process, it might be feasible to encourage waste generators to seek less
damaging ways of earning a profit, by beginning to set annually permissible release limits
for environmental contaminants that are increasingly restrictive, moving always toward the
zero release goal, requiring improved pollution control year by year, and offering
companies opportunity to adjust their investments and production activities to more benign
ends. We can even suggest that there are more beneficial ways of perceiving reality than
our culture's near-religious faith in technology's ability to solve all environmental
problems permits us to use.
Idealistic dreaming? No. Impossible to achieve? Only in the short term. For, as
dedicated environmentalists, we surely understand that the ultimate survivability of life
on earth does depend on our willingness to move our political, economic, and social
structures into conditions of greater compatibility with the earth. In the face of fifty
years of failure to dispose of radioactive wastes, perhaps there are even some
decision-makers who are now willing and able to listen to what we have to tell them.
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